The first roundtable, titled The New Strategic Concept of Madrid: What Has Changed?, was moderated by Vicente Garrido, Director General of INCIPE. The participants included Álvaro Ortega, Deputy Director General for Foreign Policy and Security; Miguel Peco-Yeste, Political Advisor at the Policy Planning Unit, NATO Secretary General’s office; and Mariola Urrea, Associate Professor of International Law and the European Union at the University of La Rioja. The second roundtable, Implications for Spain of the New Strategic Concept, was moderated by Mar Hidalgo, Senior Analyst at IEEE. The participants were Adolfo Menéndez Menéndez, President of the Spanish Atlantic Association; Colonel José Luis Calvo, Director of the Coordination and Security and Defense Studies Division (DICOES) at the Ministry of Defense; and Félix Arteaga, Senior Researcher in the area of international security and defense at the Real Instituto Elcano. After the respective presentations, both the in-person and online guests were able to ask questions to the speakers of both roundtables.

The SEGENPOL, Admiral Juan Francisco Martínez, began his speech by assessing the outcome of the NATO Summit held in Madrid from June 28 to 30. He emphasized that the Alliance has emerged stronger, with its community of values consolidated and countries from the Asia-Pacific region attending the Summit; a geostrategically important global region, and the EU, with whom a new bridge of relations has been extended (Articles 42 and 43). The war in Ukraine has acted as a catalyst for the reform of the Alliance, which had been planned before the conflict and has now consolidated its minimum common denominator: consensus. Interdependencies in military capabilities have been sought, but without excessive dependencies, increasing investment without compromising resilience. The approval of the new Strategic Concept represents a significant and innovative achievement, in which Spain has been clearly portrayed for its focus on human security, 360-degree security (against all threats, in all directions), the territorial integrity of allies (Article 20), and specific mentions of Africa. SEGENPOL clarifies that this is not enough, as there is an insufficient critical mass to promote the rules of international law, with countries that have not condemned the invasion of Ukraine within the United Nations, and emphasizes the need to build bridges with Ibero-America.

The New Strategic Concept of Madrid: What Has Changed?

During the first roundtable, The New Strategic Concept of Madrid: What Has Changed?, Álvaro Ortega praised the transparency in NATO’s positioning, and in line with SEGENPOL, he emphasized that the EU has been provided with a compass to make it a global actor with strategic autonomy. The new Strategic Concept identifies two very clear threats: Russia, as the most important and direct one since the Cold War, and terrorism. He stressed that the aggression against Ukraine, as well as the withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021, marked a paradigm shift, aiming to replace a security architecture based on trust with one based on guarantees. Reform processes within the Alliance have accelerated, clearly identifying threats in the space, cyber, and hybrid domains, for which, depending on the level and incursion, even Article 5 and the collective security system could be invoked. Deterrence and defense have been prioritized as NATO’s primary tasks, although the Cold War-era Forward Defense doctrine has not been revived, with care taken not to escalate the conflict. Ortega pointed out that NATO was not made the organization to coordinate direct military assistance from Allies to Ukraine, unlike the EU, which sought to concentrate efforts through the European Peace Facility.

Mariola Urrea, in her intervention, emphasized the need for society to understand and support the implications of the new Strategic Concept, which includes a return to its roots, but also a significant added value. The aggression against Ukraine has posed a challenge to the liberal international order in the terms and rules that have made European political life as we know it possible. International Law has been threatened and even violated, and peace cannot return until it is preserved. Mariola Urrea stated that the EU has overcome its myopia and is rapidly learning to use the language of power, aware that its normative policy instruments are no longer sufficient in the new geopolitical architecture. She concluded that focusing solely on deterrence and defense while neglecting the other two tasks (crisis management and cooperative security) will not guarantee collective security.

Miguel Peco-Yeste closed the first roundtable by defining the Strategic Concept approved in Madrid as the most politically ambitious in NATO’s history. Regarding China, NATO remains open to dialogue and constructive engagement (e.g., in arms control), and does not view the Asian giant as an adversary; however, its way of reshaping the world has direct consequences for our democracy. He stressed, like Álvaro Ortega, the opening of new operational domains such as space and cyber defense, and emphasized the aspect of terrorism, recognizing the capacity of these individuals not only to carry out attacks but to inspire them. Among the innovative elements compared to 2010, the topic of emerging technologies, which alter the nature of conflicts, was addressed at the Summit. The three previously mentioned pillars are reinforced with additional units to become higher-level units, and the idea of prevention has been introduced within the notion of crisis management.

Implications for Spain of the New Strategic Concept

In the second roundtable, Colonel José Luis Calvo insists on not mythologizing the Strategic Concept and treating it rather as a snapshot of a specific moment that NATO does not have to follow rigidly. He distinguishes two currents or positions within the Alliance: the tougher, globalist, and expansive stance of the Anglo-Saxon countries, and the more cautious and regional European approach. The Madrid Summit marked a change in the atmosphere, restoring good manners, solidarity, and mutual respect among allies, which seemed to have been lost during the presidency of Donald Trump. As a guide for Spain in increasing its defense budget, he states that the War in Ukraine has demonstrated that a whole series of core civil protection system capabilities are essential for national survival. Interconnectivity, command and control, logistics, and public communication, increasingly digitalized, will be key to our defense. He also emphasizes NATO and the EU as complementary concepts, not competitors, and points out that the latter’s security capabilities should not be underestimated.

Adolfo Menéndez states that the Strategic Concept represents for Spain a commitment, responsibility, and awareness of our current situation. Spain has shown a clear commitment to democracy, the rule of law, and freedom since 1978. This implies a very clear political, economic, and military responsibility, with an attitude consistent with NATO’s strategic concept, which does not undermine the EU’s strategic autonomy. The economy has become a tool of combat, marking a direction of about a 25% increase in defense spending, which should be increased as a more structural than temporary expense. The professionalization of the Armed Forces in the last 20 years has placed Spain in a prominent position regarding high-level technical preparation. Ultimately, freedom and human rights allow no margin for negotiation against authoritarianism, which, while not implying strategic blindness, does indicate a clear direction.

Félix Arteaga, the third member of this thematic block, notes that the war in Ukraine has meant a Copernican shift: NATO’s focus (previously operational in various fronts) on a common enemy as part of its Strategic Concept. While it was believed that the main challenge would be explaining to Spanish society why such a decisive and strict structure is needed (previously oriented toward crisis management), the February invasion has eased this concern, opening the debate on operational and capacity matters. The industrial base, logistics, and strategic reserves that sustain the Armed Forces, now insufficient, must scale up to sustainable levels. According to Arteaga, the title given to the way of cooperating is irrelevant, as what matters are the allies, the regional partners. Spain must seek them where it has strategic interests, while NATO’s understanding and attention to the Sahel region, which Spain has been pursuing for years, begins to take hold. Spain must develop its own military stance in the region (missile defense shield, combat operations, etc.).

Closing Remarks

Carmen Romero concluded the seminar by emphasizing the need not to take NATO’s values for granted in the new security scenario, systemic shocks, and volatility, not only in the East but also in the South. The new Strategic Concept drives the strategic adaptation of the Alliance, making it clear that the rules and principles that provided predictability after the Cold War are now under siege and pressure. Thus, while in 2003 there was talk of a strategic partnership with the Russian Federation and in 2010 of deterrence and dialogue, 2022 presents a scenario where communication channels with Moscow are kept open to manage risks and prevent escalation. Any change in this relationship is conditioned on Russia rejoining International Law. NATO is a defensive, not offensive, organization that seeks deterrence, not confrontation, while putting an end to the conflict with Ukraine as a sovereign and independent nation and pursuing collective security. Regarding China, Carmen Romero emphasizes that, while its coercive policies pose systemic challenges to Euro-Atlantic security, this does not imply that a constructive relationship is not maintained, understanding the opportunities presented by Beijing’s rise. In terms of terrorism, it remains the most direct asymmetric threat to citizen security, with the evolution of tactics and capabilities not mentioned in the previous Strategic Concept. Climate change is identified as a multiplier of crises, and we are beginning to talk about a link between our strategic security and that of the Indo-Pacific. In conclusion, security and defense will remain the backbone of the Atlantic Alliance, adapting to a multidimensional understanding with the introduction of the concept of “advanced defense” and special attention to innovation.

Sofía Provencio

Communication Assistant, INCIPE